Monday, December 13, 2010

Is it a real condition or a convenient excuse for serial cheaters?

When sex becomes an addiction

Still, plenty of questions surround sexual obsession: Does it mean you're addicted to sex if you're doing it three times a day? How do you separate the addicts from otherwise healthy people who just happen to really, really love having sex? Relationship expert Amanda Kane explains the difference: "Generally, a person with a sex addiction gains little satisfaction from the sexual acting-out and forms no emotional bond with his or her sex partners." So if you find yourself using men just for sex, you might have an addiction problem. For some addicts, it is the only way they know to relieve anxiety and cope with stress. This is very different from super-passionate couples who link sex with love and emotional connection.

Another key point is compulsion: "Sex addiction has the hallmarks of other addictions (i.e. alcohol or drug addiction) because it involves a recurrent failure to control sexually acting-out," stresses Kane. It's a red flag if you engage in multiple behaviors (having risky, casual sex, watching pornography, masturbating) constantly despite harmful consequences. Sex addicts often experience intense highs followed by a big low point with feelings of guilt and shame, and in order to cope with these low points, they seek out even more sexual experiences. Which inevitably leads to a dangerous vicious cycle.

Signs of sex addiction

But unlike physical conditions (such as heart problems or diabetes), mental health disorders like this can be difficult to diagnose. Still, there are some tell-tale signs: According to SASH, you likely have an issue with sex addiction if you have out-of-control repetitive behaviors such as:

  • Frequent casual sex
  • Having numerous affairs whilst in a relationship
  • Craving "risky" sex
  • Using pornography on a very regular basis
  • Using sex as a way to deal with problems and stress
  • Feeling unable to control sexual behavior even if you want to
  • Requiring increasing amounts of sex to achieve the same "high"
  • Lack of intimacy during sexual encounters

You can't get an official diagnosis for sex addiction yet, though, because right now "it is not a formal diagnosis included in the DSM-IV-TR, which is considered the 'bible' of mental health disorders," explains Kane. "Essentially the verdict is still out about creating a formal diagnosis for this problem, but it is a legitimate concern for an estimated 5 to 10 percent of the population."

Thursday, July 8, 2010

What is the Party-List System?

With loads of help from the primer of Commission on Elections (Comelec) on the party-list system and select excerpts from my daughter’s law books, I gathered that the party-list system of election was intended by the Constitution to ensure that the voice of the marginalized sectors in society is heard in Congress. In theory, this is ensured by allotting 20 percent of the total number of Congressmen ( the members of both the Senate and the House of Representatives) to representatives coming from marginalized sectoral, regional and national parties, coalitions or organizations. Representatives elected via the party-list system are different from the members of the Lower House. The latter represent their constituents in their respective districts—their representation is thus based on geography. Party-list representatives represent the constituents of the marginalized sectors of society. These marginalized sectors are those belonging to the labor, peasant, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, women, youth, and such other sectors identified by law (Republic Act No. 7941, in this case), with the exception of religious groups.

The makers of our Constitution deemed it wise to include these sectors in Congress, which is populated with traditional political parties. The idea was that since the representatives or nominees (who each must be bona fide member of their respective parties) coming from these marginalized groups have a common vision and a clear constituency from whom their representatives derive their mandate to represent the group in Congress, the representatives are accountable to their constituents to pass laws that will directly benefit and protect their collective interest in Congress, under pain of removal as the party’s nominee. This setup is anathema to what we see in traditional political parties, which are perceived to revolve around personalities—thus lacking a clear constituency, ideology, and built-in mechanisms under which they may be held liable.

What It Takes to Participate

In order to participate in the party-list elections, an interested group will have to organize itself, create a solid constituency, and select leaders as preliminary steps to registration—a very tedious and difficult process in itself. The group must register itself as a sectoral party, regional party, sectoral organization, political party or coalition as defined under Republic Act No. 7941, by meeting the prescribed legal requirements and the basic requirement that the group must represent marginalized sectors.

To be Heard, to be Seen, and to Win

Winning a seat in Congress is no small feat. A fledgling or even an established sectoral group, belonging as it does to one of the marginalized sectors of our society, does not have the resources of traditional political parties and regular candidates for electoral office. There are simply too many groups out there—established and upcoming ones, on top of candidates to vote for. Getting voters to pay attention to the group and its platform is difficult to impossible for a group short on resources. One must factor in these things when thinking of the legal requirements to win that coveted seat. Like what was said earlier, 20 percent of the available seats in the House of Representatives are for party-list representatives. We started with 250 members of the House of Representatives, and that number has increased, following the reapportionments of legislative districts. The party-list group must win two percent of total party-list votes cast in the election to get a seat (2% cap) and each party is entitled only to a maximum of three seats (three-seat rule). I discovered that there is actually a formula for computing the number of seats for the winning parties, but I will not even attempt to explain it here.

How Party List Groups Fared in the Last Elections

I’d like to share with you some enlightening findings made by Ramon Casiple, the Executive Director of the Institute of Political and Electoral Reform and Adriano Fermin of the Ateneo School of Government. These authors wrote about how the party-list groups fared in the last elections, the factors that affected the party-list elections, and the performance of party-list groups in the past. If we as responsible voters are to gain a deeper understanding of the party list system, I think the articles made by these political analysts are a good place to start.

In 1998, only 26 percent of the voting population voted for party-list representatives—dismal but expected because this marked the first time the party list system was implemented. The voting percentage has since then improved to 53 percent as of the 2007 elections—a shame, really, because a stronger election turnout could have spelled a major difference for the party-list system. Capsile says that the poor voter turn-out could be attributed to several factors, namely poor voter education and the sheer number of registered party-list aspirants.

Much is Left for Voters’ Education on the Party List System

How ironic it is that party-list groups that represent the marginalized sectors of society are also marginalized in the media. It is true that not much attention has been given by the media to party-list groups and that the focus has been on politicians. Notice that over the years, there has been much talk about guidelines on how to choose and vote for candidates to fill in positions like the President and the senators, but I have yet to come across an article or news feature on how to choose party-list groups. I have to agree that media and the Comelec’s efforts to educate voters on the party-list system has much left to be desired in this regard.

To be fair to the media, however, even if it does afford the different party-list groups needed exposure, there are simply too many groups claiming to represent the interests of women or labor, for instance. If the Comelec itself and the courts are having a tough time figuring out which of the parties claiming to genuinely represent the marginalized sector really do, what more for us voters? I admit I am fairly confused and I frankly do not have the time or patience to go through the platforms and really get to know each party-list group vying for my vote.

Only 12 Parties Won Seats in 1998 (37 Seats Were Not Filled)

Earlier I mentioned that 20 percent of the total number of seats in Congress have been allocated for the party list. In actuality, not all the seats allocated for party-list groups were filled during the past elections. During the 1998 elections for instance, only 12 parties won seats and the 38 remaining seats allocated were not filled following the decision of the Supreme Court which stated that obtaining two percent of the total number of the votes garnered in the party-list elections is mandatory.

The seats allocated for the party-list groups were not filled because few groups were able to meet the two percent threshold required by the law as a consequence of poor voter turnout for the party list, too many contending groups, little voter education, and lapses in the law, as studies conducted point out. The fact that not all the seats allocated for party-list groups have been filled in turn have the effect of stifling the voice of party-list groups and the sectors they are supposed to represent in Congress. And this reflects on the legislative performance of the groups.

Not One Bill Has Ever Become Law

According to the study made by Fermin in 2001 on the party list groups that won during the 1998 elections, party-list groups have crafted laws that addressed the needs of their constituents. Unfortunately, none of the bills of national importance made by party-list groups ever became law—at the most, some only made it to the second reading. From what I understand, getting bills passed in Congress is essentially a numbers game. It is here that the party-list groups are at a disadvantage, looking at it from the constitutionally mandated 20 percent allocated seats and what’s actually happening today.

Sunday, June 20, 2010

Ipinapakita sa mga nagdaang mga patalastas sa TV ni Gloria ay “legacy” daw- and ipamana niyang pangmatagalan sa sambayanang Pilipino.

Ang mga proposal ng kanyang mga alagad na dagdag raw sa sahod, ibaba raw ang kuryente, libreng text at kung ano-ano pang pakulo na sa isip niya ay makamasa. Akala naman niya naloloko niya ang taumbayan.

Pamana ni Gloria sa bayan – The Negative side

Pamana ni Gloria sa bayan – The Positive side


Ang nais talaga niyang palabasin ay bababa na siya sa 2010 at hindi na niya ipagpipilit ang charter change. Gusto raw nila maala-ala siya ng taumbayan sa mga magandang bagay.

Madaming beses na siyang nagsinungaling, walang naniniwala kahit ilang beses pa niyang sabihin na bababa siya sa Malacañang sa 2010. Paano naman kasi makalimutan ang sinabi niya sa harap ng munomento ni Jose Rizal noong December 2002 na hindi siya tatakbo sa pagkapresidente sa 2004. Siyempre maraming pumuri sa deisyon niya at hindi na siya basta binatikos. Yung iba naman katulad ni Raul Roco, naghanda para sa kampanya sa 2004. Di tinira ni Arroyo.

Ngunit Ilang buwan ang nakalipas inihayag na niyang tatakbo siya sa pagkapresidente.

Naniniwala ba kayong kung pwede siyang makalusot, hindi talaga bababa si Arroyo sa pwesto. Ang takot lang niya sa mga kasong isasampa sa kanya sa daming kasalanang na ginawa niya sa bayan. Kunyari lang yan na tanggap na niyang hanggang 2010 para hindi na siya babatikusin para hayaan na lang siya hanggang 2010 daw.

Bahagi na siya ng kasaysayan na isang sinungaling, mandaraya, at magnanakaw. Ngunit ang malaking kasalanan ni Arroyo sa bayan ay ang pagsira ng mga institutusyon ng demokrasya na maraming taon binuo ng ating mga ninuno.

Katulad ng military na dapat ay taga-pagtanggol ng taumbayan na ginawa niyang operator niya sa pandaraya ng eleksyon. Hindi ito nangyari kailanman, kahit noong panahon ni Marcos.

Sinira rin niya ang Commission on Election. Sa demokrasya, pinipili ng taumbayan ang gusto nilang mamuno sa kanila sa pamamagitan nge eleksyon. Binastos ni Arroyo yun sa pamamagitan ng pandaraya katulong ang mga opisyal mismo ng Comelec.

Ang laki ng damage na nagawa ni Gloria sa bayan at hindi yan matatakpan pag-alis o pagbawas ng bayad sa text o pagtaas raw ng sahod ng P20 isang araw na wala namang nangyari sa itinaas ng bilihin.

SUGGESTED READINGS

Thursday, June 17, 2010

A Scottish lawmaker was forced to quit his role on a parliamentary committee after being caught on microphone saying a woman in the audience was "very attractive" with "that Filipino look."

Frank McAveety, a Labour politician, stepped down as chairman of the public petitions committee Wednesday after his inappropriate comments were picked up as he convened a meeting of the body.

The former Scottish government minister also quit as sport spokesman for the Labour party in Scotland.

The 47-year-old member of the Scottish parliament's remarks were caught on microphone as witnesses changed places at the committee meeting Tuesday.

He was heard saying to a committee clerk: "There's a very attractive girl in the second row. Dark and dusky. I'll maybe have to put a wee word out for her.

"She's very attractive-looking. Nice, very nice.

"The heat's getting to me. True, true, true.

"She's got that Filipino look, you know the kind you would see in a Gauguin painting. There's a wee bit of culture."

He decided to resign after his comments appeared in media reports.

The Scottish parliament was set up in the late 1990s after Scots backed the idea of devolving powers from London in a referendum.

The pro-independence Scottish National Party, led by First Minister Alex Salmond, holds power in Scotland.

Sunday, May 30, 2010


In a bid to reduce outsourcing of U.S. jobs, a Democratic senator said on Sunday he will push legislation to make companies inform customers when their calls were being transferred outside the United States and charge companies for those transferred calls.

"This bill will not only serve to maintain call center jobs currently in the United States, but also provide a reason for companies that have already outsourced jobs to bring them back," Senator Charles Schumer said in statement.

Customers calling 800 numbers are often transferred overseas, and in such cases the bill would mandate that callers be told where their calls were rerouted.

Companies would also be required to certify to the Federal Trade Commission annually that they were complying with the requirement, and face penalties if they did not certify.

Schumer's bill would also impose a $0.25 excise tax on any customer service call placed inside the United States which is transferred to an agent in a foreign location. The fee would be assessed on the company that transferred the call.

Customer service call centers have become increasingly popular with businesses in recent years to deal with questions ranging from billing to technical support.

But the practice brings frequent complaints from customers who say their issues are not resolved or that representatives are merely providing scripted responses.

Schumer said the most popular countries for outsourcing of U.S. call centers included India, Indonesia, Ireland, the Philippines and South Africa, places where workers generally receive lower wages and work longer hours than their U.S. counterparts.

Friday, May 21, 2010

PRESIDENT
1 AQUINO, Benigno Simeon III C. 13,842,049
2 ESTRADA EJERCITO, Joseph M. 8,758,675
3 VILLAR, Manuel Jr B. 5,014,237
4 TEODORO, Gilberto Jr. C. 3,674,832
5 VILLANUEVA, Eduardo C. 1,026,270
6 GORDON, Richard J. 467,658
7 ACOSTA, Vetellano S. 163,764
8 PERLAS, Jesus Nicanor P. 48,956
9 MADRIGAL, Jamby A. 42,192
10 DE LOS REYES, John Carlos G. 40,070

VICE PRESIDENT
1 BINAY, Jejomar C. 13,492,375
2 ROXAS, Manuel A. 12,680,050
3 LEGARDA, Loren B. 3,809,022
4 FERNANDO, Bayani F. 937,480
5 MANZANO, Eduardo B. 706,911
6 YASAY, Perfecto R. 330,773
7 SONZA, Jose Y. 57,702
8 CHIPECO, Dominador Jr F. 47,385

SENATORS
1 BONG REVILLA, Ramon, Jr. B. 17,834,240
2 ESTRADA, Jinggoy E. 17,426,122
3 DEFENSOR SANTIAGO, Miriam P. 15,935,263
4 DRILON, Franklin M. 14,599,610
5 ENRILE, Juan Ponce -. 14,412,083
6 CAYETANO, Pilar Juliana S. 12,616,984
7 MARCOS, Ferdinand, Jr. R. 12,163,443
8 RECTO, Ralph G. 11,401,735
9 SOTTO , Vicente III C. 10,958,520
10 OSMEÑA, Sergio III D. 10,700,162
11 LAPID, Manuel M. 10,071,112
12 GUINGONA , Teofisto III D. 9,475,804
13 HONTIVEROS-BARAQUEL, Ana 8,418,317
14 BIAZON, Rozzano Rufino B. 7,955,653
15 DE VENECIA, Jose III P. 7,714,392
16 REMULLA, Gilbert Cesar C. 6,899,943
17 LIM, Danilo D. 6,750,900
18 ROCO, Sonia M. 6,235,815
19 QUERUBIN, Ariel O. 6,039,860
20 PIMENTEL, Gwendolyn D. 5,852,480
21 ACOSTA, Jr. Nereus O. 5,446,263
22 LACSON, Alexander L. 4,800,980
23 TAMANO, Adel A. 3,720,382
24 OSMEÑA, Emilio Mario R. 3,602,080
25 MAZA, Liza L. 3,561,245
26 OCAMPO, Saturnino C. 3,271,714
27 TATAD, Francisco S. 3,069,136
28 LOZADA, Jose Apolinario Jr L. 2,517,796
29 MITRA, Ramon B. 2,510,653
30 LANGIT, Rey M. 2,467,966
31 BELLO, Silvestre III H. 2,249,492
32 LAO, Yasmin B. 1,881,734
33 PAPIN, Imelda A. 1,796,092
34 OPLE, Susan V. 1,778,000
35 BAUTISTA, Martin D. 1,725,342
36 PLAZA, Rodolfo G. 1,387,303
37 BAUTISTA, J.V. L. 1,293,263
38 GUICO, Ramon, Jr. N. 1,124,641
39 LAMBINO, Raul L. 1,038,319
40 VILLANUEVA, Hector L. 884,988
41 OCAMPO, Ramoncito P. 857,649
42 INOCENCIO, Ma. Katherine L. R. 811,159
43 PALPARAN, Jovito Jr S. 743,376
44 TINSAY, Alexander B. 666,841
45 ALONTO, Zafrullah M. 628,797
46 TAMAYO, Reginald B. 618,894
47 ESPINOSA, Nanette M. 543,986
48 MAAMBONG, Regalado E. 485,157
49 DAVID, Rizalito Y. 451,089
50 ALBANI, Shariff Ibrahim H. 441,637
51 VIRGINES, Israel N. 411,134
52 PAREDES, Zosimo Jesus II M. 394,866
53 SISON, Adrian O. 378,130
54 PRINCESA, Reynaldo R. 328,201
55 IMBONG, Jo Aurea M. 324,108
56 NIKABULIN, Adz G. 310,355
57 CAUNAN, Henry B. 214,817
58 VALDEHUESA, Manuel Jr E. 181,870
59 TARRAZONA, Hector M. 150,629
60 RIÑOZA-PLAZO, Maria Gracia D. 138,189
61 LOOD, Alma A. 114,362

PARTY-LIST
1 AKO BICOL POLITICAL PARTY 1,402,002
2 COALITION OF ASSOCIATIONS OF SENIOR CITIZENS IN THE PHILIPPINES, INC. 1,193,010
3 BUHAY HAYAAN YUMABONG 1,177,914
4 AKBAYAN! CITIZEN'S ACTION PARTY 986,924
5 GABRIELA WOMENS PARTY 938,936
6 COOPERATIVE NATCCO NETWORK PARTY 847,190
7 BAYAN MUNA 695,283
8 ABONO 693,746
9 1ST CONSUMERS ALLIANCE FOR RURAL ENERGY 675,807
10 AN WARAY 640,761
11 CITIZENS' BATTLE AGAINST CORRUPTION 608,711
12 ADVOCACY FOR TEACHER EMPOWERMENT THROUGH ACTION COOPERATION AND HARMONY TOWARDS EDUCATIONAL REFORMS 565,998
13 AGRICULTURAL SECTOR ALLIANCE OF THE PHILIPPINES, INC. 482,370
14 BUTIL FARMERS PARTY 470,408
15 ALLIANCE FOR BARANGAY CONCERNS PARTY 439,717
16 ANAKPAWIS 412,166
17 KABATAAN PARTYLIST 389,091
18 LPG MARKETERS ASSOCIATION, INC. 386,102
19 ABANTE MINDANAO, INC. 353,390
20 ACT TEACHERS 338,477
21 ANG ASOSASYON SANG MANGUNGUMA NGA BISAYA-OWA MANGUNGUMA, INC. 316,794
22 YOU AGAINST CORRUPTION AND POVERTY 288,238
23 ASSOCIATION OF PHILIPPINE ELECTRIC COOPERATIVES 282,797
24 BAGONG HENERASYON 274,302
25 KASANGGA SA KAUNLARAN, INC. 268,392
26 ALLIANCE FOR NATIONALISM AND DEMOCRACY 255,415
27 ANG GALING PINOY 250,778
28 ARTS BUSINESS AND SCIENCE PROFESSIONALS 241,028
29 PUWERSA NG BAYANING ATLETA 239,251
30 AGBIAG! TIMPUYOG ILOCANO, INC. 237,682
31 TRADE UNION CONGRESS PARTY 226,659
32 ALYANSA NG MGA GRUPONG HALIGI NG AGHAM AT TEKNOLOHIYA PARA SA MAMAMAYAN, INC. 224,981
33 DEMOCRATIC INDEPENDENT WORKERS' ASSOCIATION, INC. 217,267
34 ALAGAD PARTY-LIST 214,814
35 KALINGA-ADVOCACY FOR SOCIAL EMPOWERMENT AND NATION BUILDING THROUGH EASING POVERTY, INC. 212,307
36 KAPATIRAN NG MGA NAKULONG NA WALANG SALA 208,490
37 1-UNITED TRANSPORT KOALISYON 205,545
38 ANG LABAN NG INDIGONG FILIPINO 201,056
39 ALLIANCE OF VOLUNTEER EDUCATORS 198,832
40 UNA ANG PAMILYA FORMERLY ALLIANCE OF NEO-CONSERVATIVES 198,394
41 ADHIKAING TINATAGUYOD NG KOOPERATIBA 160,740
42 AANGAT TAYO 155,247
43 KASOSYO PRODUCER-CONSUMER EXCHANGE ASSOCIATION, INC. 153,703
44 ALAY BUHAY COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION, INC. 153,040
45 AKSYON MAGSASAKA PARTIDO TINIG NG MASA 149,083
46 KATIPUNAN NG MGA ANAK NG BAYAN ALL FILIPINO DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT 147,864
47 ASSOCIATION OF LABORERS AND EMPLOYEES 146,376
48 VETERANS FREEDOM PARTY 142,579
49 ANAK MINDANAO 141,849
50 ALLIANCE FOR RURAL AND AGRARIAN RECONSTRUCTION, INC. 135,534
51 PILIPINO ASSOCIATION FOR COUNTRY - URBAN-POOR YOUTH ADVANCEMENT AND WELFARE 132,869
52 ATONG PAGLAUM 132,724
53 ANGAT ATING KABUHAYAN PILIPINAS, INC. 130,491
54 PARTIDO NG MANGGAGAWA 130,039
55 ABANTE TRIBUNG MAKABANSA 129,513
56 ALYANSANG BAYANIHAN NG MGA MAGSASAKA, MANGGAGAWANG-BUKID AT MANGINGISDA 126,449

Wednesday, May 19, 2010

The Bloggers Party-list has the following specific objectives:

1. To provide an institutional vehicle for its members to promote causes of concern to bloggers, such as blogger's benefits and the state of the environment;

2. To develop and institute national programs that seek, maintain, and improve the physical, mental, spiritual being of its members;

3.To promote, encourage, and undertake civic, cultural, social, and economic activities for its members;

4.To sustain the devotion and loyalty of its members to the noble traditions of the service professions;

5. To help its members organize the expertise acquired by them in various professional disciplines and

propagate the best practices in these disciplines to the interested public;

6. To develop and implement programs to allow its members to apply their knowledge and experience in helping educate the nation’s future generations;

7.To assist government and non-government agencies in developing, advocating, and implementing plans, policies, and programs that relate to educational development, environmental preservation, and energy conservation;

8.To raise funds to finance the programs and projects of the Association.

Monday, May 17, 2010

AN ACT PROVIDING FOR THE ELECTION OF PARTY-LIST REPRESENTATIVES THROUGH THE PARTY-LIST SYSTEM, AND APPROPRIATING FUNDS THEREFOR.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Philippines in Congress assembled:

Section 1. Title. – This Act shall be known as the “Party-List System Act”.

Sec. 2. Declaration of Policy. – The State shall promote proportional representation in the election of representatives to the House of Representatives through a party-list system of registered national, regional and sectoral parties or organizations or coalitions thereof, which will enable Filipino citizens belonging to the marginalized and underrepresented sectors, organizations and parties, and who lack well-defined political constituencies but who could contribute to the formulation and enactment of appropriate legislation that will benefit the nation as a whole, to become members of the House of Representatives. Towards this end, the State shall develop and guarantee a full, free and open party system in order to attain the broadest possible representation of party, sectoral or group interests in the House of Representatives by enhancing their chances to compete for and win seats in the legislature, and shall provide the simplest scheme possible.

Sec. 3. Definition of Terms. – (a) The party-list system is a mechanism of proportional representation in the election of representatives to the House of Representatives from national, regional and sectoral parties or organizations or coalitions thereof registered with the Commission on Elections (COMELEC). Component parties or organizations of a coalition may participate independently provided the coalition of which they form part does not participate in the party-list system.

A party means either a political party or a sectoral party or a coalition of parties.

A political party refers to an organized group of citizens advocating an ideology or platform, principles and policies for the general conduct of government and which, as the most immediate means of securing their adoption, regularly nominates and supports certain of its leaders and members as candidates for public office.

It is a national party when its constituency is spread over the geographical territory of at least a majority of the regions. It is a regional party when its constituency is spread over the geographical territory of at least a majority of the cities and provinces comprising the region.

A sectoral party refers to an organized group of citizens belonging to any of the sectors enumerated in Section 5 hereof whose principal advocacy pertains to the special interests and concerns of their sector.

A sectoral organization refers to a group of citizens or a coalition of groups of citizens who share similar physical attributes or characteristics, employment, interest or concerns.

A coalition refers to an aggrupation of duly registered national, regional, sectoral parties or organizations for political and/or election purposes.

Sec. 4. Manifestation to Participate in the Party-List System. – Any party, organization, or coalition already registered with the Commission need not register anew. However, such party, organization or coalition shall file with the Commission, not later than ninety (90) days before the election, a manifestation of its desire to participate in the party-list system.

Sec. 5. Registration. – Any organized group of persons may register as a party, organization or coalition for purposes of the party-list system by filing with the COMELEC not later than ninety (90) days before the election a petition verified by its president or secretary stating its desire to participate in the party-list system as a national, regional or sectoral party or organization or a coalition of such parties or organizations, attaching thereto its constitution, by-laws, platform or program of government, list of officers, coalition agreement and other relevant information as the COMELEC may require: provided, that the sectors shall include labor, peasant, fisherfolk, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, elderly, handicapped, women, youth, veterans, overseas workers, and professionals.

The COMELEC shall publish the petition in at least two (2) national newspapers of general circulation.

The COMELEC shall, after due notice and hearing, resolve the petition within fifteen (15) days from the date it was submitted for decision but in no case not later than sixty (60) days before election.

Sec. 6. Removal and/or Cancellation of Registration. – The COMELEC may motu proprio or upon verified complaint of any interested party, remove or cancel, after due notice and hearing, the registration of any national, regional or sectoral party, organization or coalition on any of the following grounds:

It is a religious sect or denomination, organization or association organized for religious purposes;

It advocates violence or unlawful means to seek its goal;

It is a foreign party or organization;

It is receiving support from any foreign government, foreign political party, foundation, organization, whether directly or through any of its officers or members or indirectly through third parties for partisan election purposes;

It violates or fails to comply with laws, rules or regulations relating to elections;

It declares untruthful statements in its petition;

It has ceased to exist for at least one (1) year; or

It fails to participate in the last two (2) preceding elections or fails to obtain at least two percentum (2%) of the votes cast under the party-list system in the two (2) preceding elections for the constituency in which it has registered.

Sec. 7. Certified List of Registered Parties. – The COMELEC shall, not later than sixty (60) days before election, prepare a certified list of national, regional, or sectoral parties, organizations or coalitions which have applied or who have manifested their desire to participate under the party-list system and distribute copies thereof to all precincts for posting in the polling places on election day. The names of the party-list nominees shall not be shown on the certified list.

Sec. 8. Nominations of Party-List Representatives. – Each registered party, organization or coalition shall submit to the COMELEC not later than forty-four (45) [sic] days before the election a list of names, not less than five (5) from which party-list representatives shall be chosen in case it obtains the required number of votes.

A person may be nominated in one (1) list only. Only persons who have given their consent in writing may be named in the list. The list shall not include any candidate for any elective office or person who has lost his bid for an elective office in the immediately preceding election. No change of names or alteration of the order of nominees shall be allowed after the same shall have been submitted to the COMELEC except in cases where the nominee dies, or withdraws in writing, his nomination, becomes incapacitated in which case the name of the substitutes nominee shall be placed last in the list. Incumbent sectoral representatives in the House of Representatives who are nominated in the party-list system shall not be considered resigned.

Sec. 9. Qualification of Party-List Nominees. – No person shall be nominated as party-list representative unless he is a natural born citizen of the Philippines, a registered voter, a resident of the Philippines for a period of not less than one (1) year immediately preceding the day of the election, able to read and write, bona fide member of the party or organization which he seeks to represent for at least ninety (90) days preceding the day of the election, and is at least twenty-five (25) years of age on the day of the election.

In case of a nominee of the youth sector, he must at least be twenty-five (25) but not more than thirty (30) years of age on the day of the election. Any youth sectoral representative who attains the age of thirty during his term shall be allowed to continue until the expiration of his term.

Sec. 10. Manner of Voting. – Every voter shall be entitled to two (2) votes. The first is a vote for candidate for member of the House of Representatives in his legislative district, and the second, a vote for the party, organization, or coalition he wants represented in the House of Representatives: provided, that a vote cast for a party, sectoral organization, or coalition not entitled to be voted for shall not be counted: provided, finally that the first election under the party-list system shall be held in May 1998.

The COMELEC shall undertake the necessary information campaign for purposes of educating the electorate on the matter of the party-list system.

Sec. 11. Number of Party-List Representatives. – The party-list representatives shall constitute twenty percentum (20%) of the total number of the members of the House of Representatives including those under the party-list.

For purposes of the May 1998 elections, the first five (5) major political parties on the basis of party representation in the House of Representatives at the start of the Tenth Congress of the Philippines shall not be entitled to participate in the party-list system.

In determining the allocation of seats for the second vote, the following procedure shall be observed:

The parties, organizations, and coalitions shall be ranked from the highest to the lowest based on the number of votes garnered during the elections.

The parties, organizations, and coalitions receiving at least two percent (2%) of the total votes cast for the party-list system shall be entitled to one seat each: provided, that those garnering more than two percent (2%) of the votes shall be entitled to additional seats in proportion to their total number of votes: provided, finally, that each party, organization, or coalition shall be entitled to not more than three (3) seats.

Sec. 12. Procedure in Allocating Seats for Party-List Representatives. – The COMELEC shall tally all the votes for the parties, organizations, or coalitions on a nationwide basis, rank them according to the number of votes received and allocate party-list representatives proportionately according to the percentage of votes obtained by each party, organization, or coalition as against the total nationwide votes cast for the party-list system.

Sec. 13. How Party-List Representatives are Chosen. – Party-list representatives shall be proclaimed by the COMELEC based on the list of names submitted by the respective parties, organizations, or coalitions to the COMELEC according to their ranking in the said list.

Sec. 14. Term of Office. – Party-list representatives shall be elected for a term of three (3) years which shall begin, unless otherwise provided by law, at noon on the thirtieth day of June next following their election. No party-list representatives shall serve for more than three (3) consecutive terms. Voluntary renunciation of the office for any length of time shall not be considered as an interruption in the continuity of his service for the full term for which he was elected.

Sec. 15. Change of Affiliation Effect. – Any elected party-list representative who changes his political party or sectoral affiliation during his term of office shall forfeit his seat: provided, that if he changes his political party or sectoral affiliation within six (6) months before an election, he shall not be eligible for nomination as party-list representative under his new party or organization.

Sec. 16. Vacancy. – In case of vacancy in seats reserved for party-list representatives, the vacancy shall be automatically filled by the next representative from the list of nominees in the order submitted to the COMELEC by the same party, organization, or coalition, who shall serve for the unexpired term. If the list is exhausted, the party, organization, or coalition concerned shall submit additional nominees.

Sec. 17. Rights of Party-List Representatives. – Party-list representatives shall be entitled to the same salaries and emoluments as regular members of the House of Representatives.

Sec. 18. Rules and Regulations. – The COMELEC shall promulgate the necessary rules and regulations as may be necessary to carry out the purpose of this Act.

Sec. 19. Appropriations. – The amount necessary for the implementation of this Act shall be provided in the regular appropriations for the Commission on Elections starting fiscal year 1996 under the General Appropriations Act.

Starting 1995, the COMELEC is hereby authorized to utilize savings and other available funds for purposes of its information campaign on the party-list system.

Sec. 20. Separability Clause. – If any part of this Act is held invalid or unconstitutional, the other parts or provisions thereof shall remain valid and effective.

Sec. 21. Repealing Clause. – All laws, decrees, executive orders, rules and regulations, or parts thereof, inconsistent with the provisions of this Act are hereby repealed.
Sec. 22. Effectivity. – This Act shall take effect fifteen (15) days after its publication in a newspaper of general circulation.

Approved:

(Sgd.) EDGARDO J. ANGARA (Sgd.) JOSE DE VENECIA, JR.
President of the Senate Speaker of the House of Representatives

This Act, which is a consolidation of House Bill No. 3043 and Senate Bill No. 1913, was finally passed by the House of Representatives and the Senate on February 28, 1995.

(Sgd.) EDGARDO E. TUMANGAN (Sgd.) CAMILO L. SABIO
Secretary of the Senate Secretary General
House of Representatives

Approved: March 3, 1995

(Sgd.) FIDEL V. RAMOS
President of the Philippines

Tuesday, April 27, 2010

A party-list system, a form of proportional representation in which voters choose among parties rather than among candidates, was introduced by the 1987 Constitution ostensibly to create a healthy democracy by increasing representation of so-called “marginalized and under-represented” sectors.

Twenty percent of the total number of seats in the House of Representatives are reserved for party-list groups. Every 2 percent of total party-list votes cast gets a seat in the House, with each party allowed a maximum of three seats. Votes are awarded to the party-list groups in proportion to the votes they receive.

Filipino voters were first introduced to the party-list system in 1998. Voters have two votes for their congressional representatives. The first elects a district representative. The second elects a party-list representative.

Our Mission:
To represent the Filipino bloggers in the pursuit of a life worthy of all hard-working Filipino citizens. To help every Filipino who expresses their thoughts and ideas and the development of its future stars by giving them a voice in the political landscape as well as to spread awareness of the rights of our bloggers. To help create opportunities for the Filipino youth to be a better citizen of our country since youth is the hope of our country.

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Monday, April 26, 2010

First, I don't think we can guarantee that we are voting wisely. Sure, we think we're making the right decisions for the right reasons, but let's be honest. We all made some lousy choices, and we've all been fooled. Maybe not in politics, at least not yet, but somewhere. Haven't we all been friends with a jerk, or bought a really bad car, or tried a really ineffective diet, or something?

Second, let's assume we do make the right choice. There's still no guarantee that our candidates will be successful when facing the challenges of the office. A great mayoral candidate may still have a nervous breakdown, a governor may still yield to temptation when confronted with temptations while in office.

Third, even if the best candidate becomes the best office holder, unless the will of the people support him, then it won't matter. If the public isn't behind him, then others can take advantage, and exploit his unpopularity their own agendas.So, just vote the best you can, and be a pain in the neck for the evil-doers. And hope for the best.
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